Since 19 August 2017, when in total surprise for the regime in place, the Togolese rose again to claim their fundamental rights and more particularly the constitutional reforms, a number of accusations are brought against the forces of claim, essentially against Tikpi Atchadam, the man who dared, and his Pan-African National Party (PNP). Thus, when we do not tax the PNP and its president of identity behavior, tribalism and others (without ever reporting the proof of what was committed as a fault in this sense), they are accused of -Small of Islamism, jihadism, Islamist terrorism, or Islamist radicalism, etc ... Of all this the reported evidence is inconsistent: the PNP could not have organized several meetings in a row if it had not obtained funding from an Islamist source; his leader is a Muslim; the PNP and its leader would be supported by imams, etc. Another argument used is the alleged concomitance between the launching period of the PNP mobilization and the holding of the Arab-Israeli summit. Since a number of countries in the Arab world were opposed to the Lome-sponsored Israeli-African summit and Togo persisted in wanting to organize the summit, those countries would have instrumentalized the PNP leader to defeat the summit. Even if the disorder created by the demonstrations of 19 August 2017 and the proportion taken very quickly by the movement throughout the territory (both the South and the North) would not have allowed the holding of the summit in the calm and the serenity essential to this kind of event, it is not at all the movement of 19 August 2017 which led to the abortion of the Israeli-African summit. The strong contestation of the holding of this summit by the Arab countries and the rejection by Sahel countries as well as other African countries with a Muslim majority or opposed to the Israeli policy in Palestine had already sealed the summit in question which could be postponed if we do not want to go to a diplomatic fiasco. This delayed postponement is therefore not at all the work of Tikpi Atchadam. The strong contestation of the holding of this summit by the Arab countries and the rejection by Sahel countries as well as other African countries with a Muslim majority or opposed to the Israeli policy in Palestine had already largely sealed the summit in question which could be postponed if we do not want to go to a diplomatic fiasco. This delayed postponement is therefore not at all the work of Tikpi Atchadam. The strong contestation of the holding of this summit by the Arab countries and the rejection by Sahel countries as well as other African countries with a Muslim majority or opposed to the Israeli policy in Palestine had already sealed the summit in question which could be postponed if we do not want to go to a diplomatic fiasco. This delayed postponement is therefore not at all the work of Tikpi Atchadam.
As can be noted, the radical Islamist portrait we want to paint from Tikpi Atchadam is hard to match. The indigence of the argumentation often discusses it to the force with which the partisans of power hammer their accusations. However, it is on the basis of these elements that we tried from the beginning to prove that what is happening today in Togo is an Islamist conspiracy and behind these arguments that we have been hiding for some time. time to distill cleverly into the Togolese society a probability (become moreover certainty) that terrorist attacks are being prepared against our country and would soon become reality.
Faced with this situation, the question arises as to whether a terrorist attack could tomorrow see the light of day in our country and make it possible to "whistle the end of this new recreation". If we take the past of the regime in place, an affirmative answer is required. Faced with the relentless desire to keep power and keep it at all costs, nothing is impossible.
Which are the precedents which allow to integrate in the current political landscape this macabre vision (I), what are the kinds of scenarios imaginable (II), what are the reasons which make this scenario plausible (III), what can be the consequences a possible attack (IV) and finally there are elements that really bind the PNP and its leader to a radical Islamist struggle (V).
I- PREVIOUS
It should be noted that, despite the great noise made by the Togolese authorities and their various national supporters on the fact that the movement of August 19, 2017, is of jihadist origin or inspiration, Lomé has difficulty convincing, it is also because the Westerners who today have a lot of information on Islamist terrorism in the world and therefore in our subregion have gathered nothing as a clue about Tikpi Atchadam or its external support and that would allow them a little bit of believe in the version served by Togolese power.
Despite the obvious, Lomé who, making the usual ostrich policy of the Eyadema regime refuses to accept the evidence of the flabby Togolese and wants to make the world believe that he is rather victim of an Islamist conspiracy which would mingle the dissatisfaction of the holding of the Israeli-African summit and the jihad candidates on the domestic front continues to fire all the woods to bring the whole world to believe that the Togolese are not as badly as this and that c is simply the game of an international terrorist plot that is being challenged today from north to south.
This strategy was used extensively in the 1980s and 1990s by the Eyadema regime, which has always been quick to present itself as a victim every time the Togolese dispute it and want to overthrow it. We remember how after the 5th of October 1990, after having trumpeted that the "troubles" in Lomé had been sponsored and organized from the outside and executed by young foreigners in our country, the government had arrested most of the young people. shoe shiners, shoemakers and small Ghanaian and Sahelian workers in Lome. This unfortunately did not prevent the resignation to resume in November 90 and to know its paroxysm from March 91. During the failed coup of September 25, 1986, it was international terrorism that had been mentioned. Everytime, the regime had managed to attract international sympathy. The strategy had not succeeded in the President Dictator General (CEO) in the 90s.
Faced with this inability to convince of his idea of conspiracy, the CEO who had tried to invite to Togo what was happening then in Liberia and pointed the nose in Sierra Leone, appealed to the specter of civil war. Against this civil war besides, the regime of the one who had seized power since 1967 by invoking the risks of civil war and who, 24 years later, could do nothing to avoid this civil war which always threatened his country by 1990, did not understand that this situation represented a failure for him. He always stood alone against this so-called civil war. He had to create in Togo the decor of this scourge.
On this point, he had been able to play finely by creating a situation (threats and intimidations) that sent several nationals of North Togo and especially Kabyes to their region of origin where they were parked in different places like animals, without any respect for their dignity, to create the conditions that will allow them to be shown in a state of distress to justify the lies of the regime. It is these people who have been exposed to the international community as persecuted by the people of the South and who have been the subject of the famous "White Paper" of the regime. Eyadema tried to make the world believe that in fact of democratic demands, the progressive forces just wanted to take the power for settling scores; that they attacked the northerners and were precisely creating the conditions of this famous civil war against which it remained the "only rampart". It is also this staging added to that of the voluntary violence made by the regime against families of certain military in various parts of the territory which allowed the CEO to release some soldiers thus manipulated against the civil populations (for punitive expeditions) and to justify the acts perpetrated by the fact that these soldiers were thus avenging themselves of the fate done to their parents and families by the democratic forces. We still remember this story of a policeman who was said to have been murdered in Bè, which triggered punitive expeditions of soldiers in that neighborhood.
This so-called tactic of "strategy of terror" was the means by which the General had put into effect the mechanism of "rampant coup d'etat" which will allow him gradually to reconquer the totality of a power he had yet almost totally lost at the end of the National Conference. Assassinations, torture, self-inflicted injuries, house and other building damage, arrests, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, theft, rape, destruction of property, etc. Everything was used to create the chaos in which the CEO had to pick up his power.
In this strategy of terror everything was good and the lives of the people do not weigh in front of the will of the regime to take back "its power". It does not matter the number of corpses. The apocalyptic serpent has advanced inexorably, swallowing many lives. The bottom line is that in the end he regains power. And this strategy paid off.
This strategy of terror and chaos out of the regime's laboratories to fight against any threat to power and especially its loss is it now appropriate? One thing is certain, the habits of the house are for the most part the same; they have hard life. And the worries that make us fear the worst are supported by what happened in our country in 2005. The current regime is born in the blood, a lot of blood. And for it to be born, the will to acquire the power did not stop at nothing. Deaths, injuries, arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, rape, theft, destruction of property, etc. enamelled the path that led to the presidential chair. In this the regime of the son was born in the same strategy of terror as that put in place by the father to regain power in the 90s. Some then said that Faure Gnassingbe knew nothing of what had happened and that it was the others who had "done everything" for him, even if it was his power that took advantage of the crimes. The famous "never again" in his famous Atakpamé speech by the current president seemed to support these claims, which many analysts refused to give credit to. Today, the problem lies directly with the son. How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo? Some had said that Faure Gnassingbé knew nothing of what had happened and that it was the others who had "done everything" for him, even if it was his power that took advantage of the crimes. The famous "never again" in his famous Atakpamé speech by the current president seemed to support these claims, which many analysts refused to give credit to. Today, the problem lies directly with the son. How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo? Some had said that Faure Gnassingbé knew nothing of what had happened and that it was the others who had "done everything" for him, even if it was his power that took advantage of the crimes. The famous "never again" in his famous Atakpamé speech by the current president seemed to support these claims, which many analysts refused to give credit to. Today, the problem lies directly with the son. How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo? The famous "never again" in his famous Atakpamé speech by the current president seemed to support these claims, which many analysts refused to give credit to. Today, the problem lies directly with the son. How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo? The famous "never again" in his famous Atakpamé speech by the current president seemed to support these claims, which many analysts refused to give credit to. Today, the problem lies directly with the son. How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo? How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo? How far will the new regime go to retain power that seems to want to desert its camp? Where can the question tomorrow be a "terrorist" attack or chaos in Togo?
II- THE PROGRESSIVE PREPARATION AND POSSIBLE SCENARIOS
If one had been in the regime of Eyadèma as we knew it in the years 80-90, what would have happened exactly in the current circumstances where the regime fears losing power and struggles to convince of his idea of conspiracy? The answer is simple: to simulate an attack, a chaos, especially a terrorist attack, or to provoke it. Such a scenario seems to be emerging today in our country. To do this, a progressive preparation of the terrain (A) and different strategies are envisaged or possible (B).
A- Convincing the Unspeakable to Make It Pleasible
Admittedly, like the international community, the strong insinuations about the Islamist and jihadist character of the game leader Tem failed to convince the majority of Togolese who remains skeptical of these accusations. However, as happened in Côte d'Ivoire when supporters of Gbagbo accused Alassane Ouattara of wanting to seize power to establish an Islamist regime including Sharia, supporters of the regime believe or pretend to believe this thesis conspiracy Islamist. And by hammering these accusations and arguments, they ended up instilling a kind of doubt in the minds of some citizens who do not have all the necessary analytical capacity to refute certain theses. Another group of citizens who also plays in the register of religious fundamentalism, tries to endorse this thesis by becoming the objective ally of the supporters of the ruling power. These are Christians who unfortunately believe that everything that does not proclaim Jesus Christ is of satanic inspiration. For them, since the Muslim is Satan, he can not think of doing harm and must fight it. For this group, the accusations of power only confirm sermons portraying Muslims as demoniacs, people to fight and Islam as a religion to avoid. For them, Atchadam and his party would be fighting because if the young Kotokoli became president tomorrow, there would be strong risk that he establishes Sharia in Togo. These are Christians who unfortunately believe that everything that does not proclaim Jesus Christ is of satanic inspiration. For them, since the Muslim is Satan, he can not think of doing harm and must fight it. For this group, the accusations of power only confirm sermons portraying Muslims as demoniacs, people to fight and Islam as a religion to avoid. For them, Atchadam and his party would be fighting because if the young Kotokoli became president tomorrow, there would be strong risk that he establishes Sharia in Togo. These are Christians who unfortunately believe that everything that does not proclaim Jesus Christ is of satanic inspiration. For them, since the Muslim is Satan, he can not think of doing harm and must fight it. For this group, accusations of power only confirm sermons portraying Muslims as demoniacs, people to fight and Islam as a religion to avoid. For them, Atchadam and his party would be fighting because if the young Kotokoli became president tomorrow, there would be strong risk that he establishes Sharia in Togo. the accusations of power only confirm sermons portraying Muslims as demoniacs, people to fight and Islam as a religion to avoid. For them, Atchadam and his party would be fighting because if the young Kotokoli became president tomorrow, there would be strong risk that he establishes Sharia in Togo. the accusations of power only confirm sermons portraying Muslims as demoniacs, people to fight and Islam as a religion to avoid. For them, Atchadam and his party would be fighting because if the young Kotokoli became president tomorrow, there would be strong risk that he establishes Sharia in Togo.
In this kind of situation, if we succeed in attacking through a terrorist attack peaceful Togolese citizens, especially the Christian religion and more particularly the hard-core Christians, not only will we create the ingredients for our work. a religious conflict but in addition we will sow doubt in the head of the international community that will begin to believe the existence of a real problem of Islamist terrorism in Togo. In any case, the chaos essential to the recovery of the situation would be created.
It is in this context that more and more people are hammering that there may be and even that there will be a terrorist attack in Togo as if we wanted to prepare the minds for what is being prepared in the political laboratories and that is likely to become reality.
B- Imaginable Strategies So
if we were to get to this point (which nobody wants of course), what are the possible strategies, taking into account what happened in the 90s?
The first scenario: to put a bomb in a church and to operate it at a distance when there will be the greatest affluence in the said church. The death toll will affect the national conscience and that of the international community. If the organizers of this kind of macabre project have a little pity of the civil populations then the scenario would be to pose an act which would be a kind of warning. The bomb would then be activated when the church is empty or at a time of lesser affluence.
Second scenario: plastify several empty or faithful churches (preferably empty) over a period of several days and create panic and fear and rejection of the Muslim but especially the PNP and its leader.
Third scenario: drop a bomb and blow it up in a public place other than a church and make victims and more or less material damage.
Fourth scenario: open fire on people in a church or in a public place. The assailants who will be hooded will shout Allah Hou Akbar. This will be the "clear" indication that this crime is a crime of Islamist and jihadist origin.
All these acts can be signed by a message clearly indicating that it is an attack committed in the name of Allah in order to show that it is a terrorist act with a jihadist and Islamist sound.
Fifth scenario: "thwart" an imaginary attack as the Eyadema regime has the magic. This attack, which will only exist in the minds of those who foiled it, will be organized by themselves. The weapons needed for this organization will not be hard to come by and the story to fabricate to make it believable will find mouths to carry it with charges against "right quid".
In this last case, two or three consequences are possible: either one makes disappear all trace of the act by having immediately killed the one or those who have committed said acts. We will never know the reality of the facts and whether or not there was indeed a terrorist act since the perpetrators have been eliminated. They will thus be sacrificed after their act and will never be able to live to enjoy what they have been promised. Moreover, this "neutralization" of the attackers will make it possible to praise the valiantness of the police forces whose "vigilance and perspicacity" made it possible to put terrorists out of state to harm more to the Togolese populations.
The second sequel to this kind of scenario will be close to what we experienced in the case of the attack against Tavio Amorin. Authors are protected and never arrested even if they were identified.
Or, and this is the third way out, it is young people who will have been manipulated to commit this type of act and who will be officially arrested, but since investigations never end up with us, the case will be smothered, either they will be judged but will be expiatory victims since they will never be able to go up the chain of command.
We have deliberately brushed aside the scenario of inviting real Islamist terrorists to take a tour of our country and let them flee because that would open a hole in them and the regime may not be able to control the situation later. The desire to hold on to power can, however, also give ideas in this direction.
III- THE REASONS MAKING THE MACABRE SCENARIO MORE PLAUSIBLE
From the outset, it must be remembered that the strategy of terror has always proved its worth for the Eyadema regime and impunity has always been guaranteed to its performers. We do not change a strategy that has proven itself and "to the same evils the same remedies". The regime will certainly not decline today to do anything like its founder since those who carry out the macabre projects are not afraid of any prosecution or punishment whatsoever.
If our concerns have become more and more important to the point of ordering the publication of these analyzes, it is simply because more and more insinuations on the possibility of jihadist attacks in Togo (A) and the relentless will to cling to power by playing the most extreme scenarios (B) have challenged us.
A- Information and Acts As To Prepare Spirits
The first alarm that makes us fear that the worst is perhaps already on our doorstep is the fact that for some time information has been circulating in various circles of power towards the populations and indicating a possibility for Togo to be the target of a terrorist attack or several. Recently, additional details have even appeared since it is indicated that this kind of event may occur by the end of 2017. This information is vigorously distilled by people in a methodical and concordant that show that it is not the result of chance. The circles of power are the most convincing on the screenplay. Some of the relays, such as journalists and others, seem already very persuaded and try to persuade as many people as possible. The justifications are simplistic and always the same. The plot hatched by Kuwait and radical Islamists through the PNP and its president Tikpi Atchadam. The certainty shown by those who distil this information ends up believing that they are absolutely sure and certain of what will happen. And in Togo, this is not trivial. At the same time, for enlightened minds and those with experience of the regime in place, this information is too precise, too insistent and too certain to be believed without attracting attention. Because when it comes to security, when we have such information and that it is proven, not only are we not disclosing it as widely, we are not trying to convince the citizens that the facts are going to happen, but we are doing everything to kill the plot in the bud or to neutralize the criminals. Moreover, in a country like ours where we do not joke with security, where the intelligence and security services have several times proved their effectiveness for less than that, we have difficulties to understand that the power is waiting and proclaims a terrorist attack as a fatality that will necessarily befall the country. And if we add to all this the fact that our services mentioned above have the help and assistance of Israel, which have a degree of effectiveness in terms of intelligence and security,
To all this, we must add other amazing elements. During the arrest of Imam DJOBO in Sokodé, it was reported that two soldiers were lynched. Clear information had been provided on how these soldiers were beaten and killed. Nobody ever said that they had been slaughtered. Since the burial of these soldiers, as to give this lynching largely commented on an Islamist touch, it is now indicated that these soldiers have in fact had the "throat cut". Curious unverifiable information after the burial of those concerned and that goes in the direction of the famous Islamist plot since decapitation or cutting the throat is a usual practice of Islamist terrorists. Why all of a sudden an Islamist touch is grafted on this lynching that we do not know for the moment who are exactly the authors? History to accredit the thesis of the Islamist plot in sight?
Some acts or events are just as amazing. The arrest of two imams, one in Sokodé and another in Bafilo, the ransacking of a mosque in Kara appear abnormal in a country where we should normally play appeasement. Is it provocation to drive up the anger and make the unimaginable possible? All indications are that these events are not insignificant nor innocent. In any case, they contribute to the preparation of a situation of chaos, wanted or not.
Lately, it is the declared refusal of the party in power to finally go to the dialogue so much requested by itself at the beginning that questions. In fact, in recent days, while the entire international community is asking stakeholders to go to the negotiating table, the government seems to no longer want this dialogue. Indeed, its requirements and arguments before or against the dialogue have become astonishing. On the one hand, he would like the opposition leaders to go public in front of their supporters or on the airwaves that they give up asking for Gnassingbe's departure before any dialogue. On the other hand, mention is made of casus belli, the fact that the demonstrations were peppered with violence, the fact that the opposition did not offer condolences to the families of the two soldiers killed in Sokodé. It is even mentioned that the opposition would be so bad-faith that it will not respect the results of the dialogue or will make them go to the rescue by demanding the departure of the President of the Republic once in the negotiations. In fact, everything is now good to avoid dialogue or delay as long as possible. All this gives the impression that the power awaits the occurrence of an event that should allow it either to approach the dialogue in a position of extreme strength, or to allow it to obtain results far greater than what it can get to the bargaining table. What exactly are we waiting for? Proof that current protests hide a jihadist conspiracy? The combination of distilled information and events strongly suggests this.
B- The Will to Cling to Power at All Prices
Those who were in power yesterday and those who are there today have the same philosophy and similar methods. To cling to power at all costs and create chaos if necessary to maintain that power. The strategy of terror implemented in the 1990s by Eyadèma and the example of 2005 are there to remind us. In this desire to preserve power, the life of Togolese citizens has no price. If you have to walk on corpses to keep the power, you're ready to do it. Moreover, the Togolese Head of State, for his silence, seems for the moment to have more than demonstrated that he is not moved by the dead and wounded among his fellow citizens. However, it is never too late to do well.
The savage crackdown on street demonstrations, the excessive use of force, the implementation of various strategies of chaos, such as the spilling of so-called "self-defense forces" on the streets, clearly show that the regime will stop at nothing. The words of some senior power officials that "if you want the country to burn it will burn for all of us" to respond to a simple demand for constitutional and institutional reforms are no doubt about the will toboutist supporters of power.
Some argue, moreover, that the illegal ban of the week-long demonstrations by the Minister of Territorial Administration was intended solely to experiment with the militia aspect of the new strategy of reconquering power through terror. True or false ? Only God knows. What is certain is that it was on this occasion that the said militias reappeared in our country with the blessing of the security forces they encountered and that of the Government whose security minister justified their role presented as a "saving" action blessed by the power in place.
Our analyzes are based on what we experienced in the 90s and know of the Eyadema diet to this day. They will normally all have the same results.
IV- CONSEQUENCES OF "ATTACK"
The staging thus orchestrated will lead to the following consequences:
1- To force the international community to believe that in fact of challenges of the regime in place, it is in fact a jihadist conspiracy against Togo. From there, gain the sympathy of the international community, which immediately, even if it does not really believe in the thesis of the attack, will be forced to take the party of the regime temporarily and accept all the solutions proposed by this one to ward off the "worst" or the most hurried;
2- Create a national climate of chaos including religious conflict, tension between ethnic groups and mistrust vis-à-vis the indexed party and its leader. Togolese do not have two camps facing each other so that we talk about the risk of civil war. But from the moment we index a part of the people as jihadists, an atmosphere of true or simply imaginary civil war will hover over the country;
3- As in this kind of situation and as the Eyadema regime used to make it believe, the power will try to appear as the only savior and it will take steps to demonstrate it;
4- Appearing now as the "savior", the regime can take all kinds of measures. Among these, the state of emergency may be proclaimed. It is even very likely in this kind of situation that the state of emergency will be decreed because it will allow the regime to take full control of the situation. This state of emergency will also authorize arrests of all those suspected of "jihadism" and in particular prohibit political parties, associations and places of worship taxed as such. All manifestations will of course be prohibited and the freedoms restricted. Even the current reform process and subsequent discussions to have them will be suspended. The regime will not only gain time but will have the possibility of sending back the reforms and the problem of alternation to the Greek calendar.
The scenario described above that seems to be fiction but is actually based on our experience of the Eyadema regime is it possible today? Without a doubt and for good reason.
V- ATCHADAM AND HIS PNP CÔTOIENT THE DEVIL?
Is Tikpi Atchadam a jihadist or an Islamist and his party a party under the orders of Islamist forces, a tribalist party? Everything suggests the current state of facts and information that no.
First, because, as he claims, the very name of the party of young Tem is clear. This is a pan-African party. Pan-Africanism is antithetical to Islamism, tribalism and the culture of identity behavior. Of course, in Togo, as in all African countries where there are several ethnic groups, each leader is first and foremost supported by local people and people of his ethnicity. The current regime has used this ethnic or tribal fiber all the time, often misrepresenting that members of the ethnic group of the head of state, but also nationals of the northern part of the country. are all behind him and would be his preserve. Eyadema had largely used this strategy yesterday. The same tactic is being implemented today. Sadly,
Then, regarding the Islamist or jihadist nature of the struggle of Tikpi Atchadam and the PNP, the various arguments aligned by the regime struggle to convince the Togolese able to make objective analyzes and especially those who knew the regime of the CEO and know how do you make "terrorists" in Togo? The argument concerning the financing of meetings does not hold water. For those who, like us, had to organize meetings in Togo, we know that the means implemented are not huge. And when one has serious and / or generous members and supporters, one can easily cover these expenses. In this respect Kotokoli solidarity, which is one of the most exemplary in Togo, will play strongly.
As for the Atchadam networks, we know that a large number of supporters of the PNP leader are in the Togolese diaspora. We know a certain number of them to have intervened in their refugee or stay files in the 90s. To date, it is the best network that is known for Atchadam. Is it in the radical Islamist milieu? This remains to prove.
On the other hand, Westerners who are well documented about the activities and network of Al Qaeda, the Organization of the Islamic State and Boko Haram, have no information at the level of their intelligence services Highly effective to accredit the thesis of an alleged jihadist or Islamist struggle on the part of the leader of the PNP and his party. But beyond all this, what has been most likely to take the lead in the wing of the thesis of the Islamist conspiracy is the statement of 19 October 2017 on RFI where the President of the PNP clearly called for the intervention of the leader of the French state, Emmanuel MACRON, in the Togolese crisis. A jihadist or an Islamist does not call a France or another Western country, sworn enemies of jihadism and radical Islamism, to help. His agenda and his supporters can not allow it. In this sense, Tikpi Atchadam surprised his detractors who saw themselves cut the grass underfoot. The surprise in the circle of his thuriféraires was large and serious after this declaration. They hardly expected it and did not seem to understand it. Surprise and consternation seized several of them after these remarks because henceforth it will be necessary to rebuild this building of accusations which seems to have now collapsed like a house of cards.
Clearly, nothing allows today to link the PNP and its leader to Islamist or international terrorism. If there is not absolute certainty that nothing exists in this sense, at least they have the benefit of the doubt. If tomorrow the data were to change in their disfavor, we will be among the first to denounce them because anything that can affect the Well Being of the Earth of our ancestors and our fellow citizens must receive the same treatment from us.
Let us conclude by saying that since the release of Tchaoudjo's son to appeal to France, things have accelerated a little since the conditions for a dialogue now seem to be gradually being put in place. West African parliamentarians, ECOWAS heads of state and others seem to be swarming while France multiplies declarations by press releases from the Quai d'Orsay and the United States calls for respect for human rights and freedom of demonstration. A kind of decline or de-escalation seems to have begun (although information on the alleged jihadist plot continues to be widespread). Will this calm situation be enough, however, to discourage those wishing to use the eternal strategy of terror of the Eyadema regime? No one knows.
If, as the Head of State says, the truth will eventually triumph, which of these truths will it eventually triumph for Togo? The one that will definitely make President Faure a good president for the Togolese ?, Who will confirm the charges of bloody dictator who are brought against him? That which will demonstrate that what is happening since August 19 is a plot of Islamist terrorism against Togo? The one that will prove that the current conflict is essentially tribal, identity and will lead to a civil war? We dare to hope that the truth that will triumph will not be for the worse, but for the better. None of the countries that have experienced or are threatened by terrorist attacks are easily out of this kind of situation, either socially or economically. The security or the image that we give it is a good that Togo sells to attract investments even if we do not get all the benefits for our populations. If we lose it just for the power game, we will have lost a lot.
The Head of State must therefore pull himself together and ask those around him who want to play the hawks to know that not all eggs are used to make omelettes and that the world of 1990 is different from that of 2017. For its part, the opposition and the progressive forces must also be able to put water in their wine when the time comes and seize the opportunities to translate into reality the global and unprecedented mobilization that they have succeeded. People who are killed or injured are Togolese citizens like everyone else. Their parents are suffering like everyone else. At each death, every wounded person, it is Humanity that bleeds and is bruised. The Earth of our ancestors is tired of being watered with blood. Nobody will win this fight if Togo does not come out victorious. History is watching us and judging us. About the Second World War, Adolf Hitler said: if we win, there will be no one to judge us; if we lose we will not be here to be judged. And yet, he is judged until today. You have to know how to choose the good side of history, that of Humanity.
In any case, what remains certain and immutable is that in no case should anyone attempt and even think of carrying out gruesome plans against his people or his country for the purpose of conquering or retaining power. whatever the privileges and enjoyment that can be derived from it.
"Ready for Democracy, the fight goes on"
Jean Yaovi DEGLI
Court Counsel
President of Bâtir le Togo
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