Disorder at the top of the Togolese army, SOS for Sokodé and Bafilo / The two faces of a warlord: Barbouzes at the kit of ATCHADAM Tikpi

He is Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, he was born June 6, 1966 of Eyadema Gnassingbe and Sena Sabine Mensah. At the death of his father on February 5, 2005, a coup, negotiated by generals, allows him to usurp the place of a certain Fambare Natchaba, then speaker of parliament. It did not take more to arouse strong pressure even if they will eventually submit to the will of the clan. Unlike the electoral and political forces, often stifled by the fire charisma of his father, legally the game of escort that accompanies the death of Eyadema was too big to be digested. The one who was invested president, replacing his late father, resigns on February 25 to return to win a presidential election, equally controversial, on April 24, 2005. Previously, on February 21, at 16 days of what the then prime minister called "national disaster", the National Assembly operates a political robbery by changing the constitution during the transitional period so that power remains in the fold. Four days after this parliamentary forcing, the RPT, party in power, invests Faure Gnassingbé. The now president of the RPT gives way to Abasse Bonfoh to the presidency of the Republic.



Since April 2015, the heir of coups de forces politic eschène his third mandate that the institutions subject served him after the face to face with Jean Pierre Fabre. Best of all, we talked about more than 50% of the vote. Accredited an MBA, 12 years after he replaced his father, the former student of the prestigious University of Sorbonne and George Washington University, is below the expectations of his people. The social contract is broken, the people can not bear anymore, but endure. What did not work? Has the graduate really deserved the diplomas he claims, bad surroundings, engulfed by a political slope too steep to be raised or limited by his surname? The report is unequivocal, the Togolese are tired of the reign of Gnassingbe. Endurance becomes a malaise makes way for the crisis, the Togolese are now expressed to say "enough". Faure Gnassingbe long immersed in the enjoyment of power is on a slippery slope and plays his last rounds. The traditional political rogue has lived, the old clichés and myths that divided the Togolese have fallen.

Between a family heritage and the treasure of war accumulated by his 12 years of a reign fueled by financial scandals, Faure believed, at first, that with money he could do anything. This other political ideology that is intrinsic to the RPT which bequeathed it to UNIR: on the one hand, the RPT-UNIR divides and reigns, on the other side, it impoverishes to reign. The trick has failed, the diplomacy of money does not promise much, the hunger has created a bond of solidarity between citizens, impoverish to reign also no longer work. Faure Gnassingbé then appears as war chief and he does not advance behind a mask. Minister of Defense, first he unleashes his dogs behind the avant-garde homes of the resistance, then he launches his barbouzes behind his political opponents, starting with Tikpi Salifou Atchadam, president of the PNP. The latter came to redistribute the cards on the political chessboard. Now the opposition is aware that power is strong only in its divisions and weaknesses, the power knows that the old methods of preserving privileges have limits. In a breakdown of strategy, Faure is committed on two fronts.

Sokode - Bafilo, state terrorism to retain a wavering power

To preserve his armchair, as we said earlier, Faure Gnassingbe now behaves as a warlord against people with bare hands. We do not know how he intends to fight with other cities, but for Sokodé and Bafilo, the most unloved African presidents found a formula, terror, state terrorism to silence disputes. To see the behavior of the political and military decision makers at the top of the Republic, everything suggests that the American university graduate has issued a directive: "I have tried everything, that everyone does what he can." All means are good. In Sokode and Bafilo, it is the army, mainly the red berets that the head of state-Minister of Defense, Faure Gnassingbe, sent to "do the job". By the favor of the abduction of an "eminent Imam", Alfa Hassan Mullah, things rushed. The firing, burning and lynching of two servicemen are attributed to angry people. Obviously, this night of October 16, the commando operation that kidnapped the imam, the population became angry, but is it author of the breaks? When one closely analyzes these events, one has for the moment the impression that, fires of the markets operated by the regime in place to find an argument in order to get rid of the radical opposition to the arrest of Imam followed violence is the story that repeats itself. the population has become angry, but is she the author of the breaks? When one closely analyzes these events, one has for the moment the impression that, fires of the markets operated by the regime in place to find an argument in order to get rid of the radical opposition to the arrest of Imam followed violence is the story that repeats itself. the population has become angry, but is she the author of the breaks? When one closely analyzes these events, one has for the moment the impression that, fires of the markets operated by the regime in place to find an argument in order to get rid of the radical opposition to the arrest of Imam followed violence is the story that repeats itself.

The breaks and fires occurred in the same night of the imam's abduction as if there was a plan of execution awaiting a bugle. The bugle here is the abduction of the Imam. The events, they were waiting for a trigger. The day after October 16, 2017 from the first hour, the military besieged the city. The red berets took control of the city, better, they were already perceptible a few moments before the kidnapping as if they were mobilized to wait for a password. Many questions therefore find a place. The only certainty is that there has been incredible violence. Equipped with destruction equipment and cans of gasoline, everything the military encounters on their passage in the streets is overturned and burned, everything is ransacked. After raking the streets, they raped homes, they went from house to house to make themselves heard. They break down the gates, torture people, shoot live bullets even at sick people. The case of this patient in Sokodé who was shot in the arm at the moment when his sister asked the attackers to spare him bastings because already suffering. Part of the population has returned to the bush, another has crossed the borders, the third has remained hidden in the premises at the mercy of hunger and deprivation. Nobody could poke out to look for food or even in his yard to cook. The case of this patient in Sokodé who was shot in the arm at the moment when his sister asked the attackers to spare him bastings because already suffering. Part of the population has returned to the bush, another has crossed the borders, the third has remained hidden in the premises at the mercy of hunger and deprivation. Nobody could poke out to look for food or even in his yard to cook. The case of this patient in Sokodé who was shot in the arm at the moment when his sister asked the attackers to spare him bastings because already suffering. Part of the population has returned to the bush, another has crossed the borders, the third has remained hidden in the premises at the mercy of hunger and deprivation. Nobody could poke out to look for food or even in his yard to cook.

The blamed could not be taken to the places of care. A slow death is triggered and people who could have been saved from their blows and wounds continue to die so far, the last will be the late Boukoubongui Issifou Kparataou. There are still families in the bush who fear returning to the city, life resumes timidly and everything can degenerate to the mood of the military. The arrests continue more beautiful. They shovel up a race of young people, arrived at their base, they sort and release those who are not on the list of wanted. Meanwhile, they pretended to lift the siege on these two cities. The march of 7, 8 and 9 November was authorized throughout the territory, he had no exception against a city, let alone B. The Minister of Security made the civilized arrangements to supervise the demonstrations. The 07, the first hour, the seat on Sokode resumes. The day before, the stage was already set. Bafilo and his villages have plunged into military violence.

At Sokodé, the starting points of the march of this morning of November 7th are squared, the least crowd is dispersed with all kinds of violence. Then the raking starts from house to house. The goal is to force people to silence. Nothing is spared, even in the wounded care centers, human rights defenders are prosecuted for their assistance to the wounded. Mr. Assiba Johnson, President of REJADD-Togo is forced to leave the wounded to save his skin following a military raid at the hospital. Once again, the city empties its people. For them, the strategy of terror was right where the rogue, the corruption and the games of corridor, failed. This is the true image of those who manage our Republic. Everyone is surprised by the behavior of a part of the army against a march yet authorized. One of the local MPs, Ouro-Akpo Tchagnaou to call the security minister about this. In the morning, Mr. Yark says he does not know anything, at noon, he says on BBC that the march is not possible in these localities because the missing weapons are not found late in the evening, he concludes that it is the prefect who has forbidden the march. This is one of the many proofs of a disorder at the top of a Republic. Worse, at the top of an army. A minister, said the security, who is not aware that a body of the national army attacked part of the territory. If they were attackers, we would understand that the assailant did not warn. But a national army that attacks its population without the security gentleman of the country, also dressed body, is informed. What to remember?

Just as in the case of the arrest of the Imam, Yark was caught unprepared by another seemingly stronger network. A network of officers and hard cores to whom nothing is refused. What can be denied when the concern of the Head of State is not expressed in terms of the means used but in terms of the expected result. For the prince of Machiavelli, whatever the means, the essential is the result. Everyone goes there for what he "can do". What the military has learned to do is war, so they have fired against the population, the instructions are given from the staffs. This first violence in Sokode 7 escaped Yark, hence the cacophony. Assuming that it was even the prefect who gave the order, it would then be up to the police and the gendarmerie to play their part. Here it is the Minister of Defense who ordered that people be attacked and tortured in the open; what can poor Yark do, except to lend his mouth to justify the crime?

The Minister of Defense is Faure Gnassingbe, yes he has decided to end Sokodé and Bafilo, and all means are good. It is also not his first try if we remember that in 2005, one of his generals used a helicopter to shoot populations hidden in the lakes and bush in Aného. If Faure Gnassingbe was not responsible for what is happening in Sokode now, the scandal is already big enough to make heads fall. When a part of the army invades a part of the territory with methods of war to play the role of the police and the gendarmerie against the populations without informing the minister of defense and that of the security, there is indiscipline and act sedition compromising national cohesion and that of the army. This deserves, at least, a dismissal of the chief of staff and the chief corps responsible for these acts. But you will wait a long time, since it is Faure Kodjo Gnassingbé who orders the exactions on a whole people to preserve its power. For Faure Gnassingbé, rebel populations are more useful in exile than in the country. In 2005, he killed 1,000 Togolese and exiled another 40000 to replace his father.

12 years later, he forces people to leave their city with women and children on the shoulder to take refuge in farms and bush. There, without drinking water, they drink at the same source as the animals with what it could cause as diseases, they sleep under the stars at the mercy of reptiles, the schooling of children can wait. For good reason, their doors were smashed by red berets and militias in repeated muscular operations. They were molested, wounded, they fled abuses for a wild life with the minimum they can carry with them. Those who stayed at home are at the mercy of everything. The military arrest the youths and torture them in the military camp next door. Yes, to undermine people's morale, Sokode and Bafilo became centers of torture in the open. You would ask me to give evidence of torture, certainly. Between us, when soldiers break down the portals of the houses, let go of the warning shots in the yard, then violent carry them to extract the inhabitants who are then molested, take with them the young people in a camp, what do you think that will we make them? If there are serious associations fighting against torture, let them be interested in what is happening in these two cities. then violent carry them to extract the inhabitants who are then molested, take with them the young people in a camp, what do you think they will do? If there are serious associations fighting against torture, let them be interested in what is happening in these two cities. then violent carry them to extract the inhabitants who are then molested, take with them the young people in a camp, what do you think they will do? If there are serious associations fighting against torture, let them be interested in what is happening in these two cities.
Moreover, being wounded at a time when one is unable to go for treatment for fear of being kidnapped by the executioners on the hospital bed is an abuse, a double wound, a torture.
To hide in one's own home, to starve when one can not cook for fear that the military and militia will feel a human presence, is torture.

Leaving your old father or mother at home because you can not transport him while the rest of the family is on their way to an uncertain destination is an affront, a torture.

Living at home in the fear of being at all times visited by hooded men or soldiers armed to the teeth is torture. Living in a bush, a few kilometers from the house at the mercy of all kinds of insecurity is a torture. Here are the methods that the monarch has chosen for his population. Targeted cities are in a state of siege; currently, in addition to the military presence and targeted arrests, systematic searches of the red beret elements are required to access Sokodé and Bafilo. These cities have become red zones. No crime is too cowardly if it allows the heir to keep his thing, his power, his inheritance.

Barbouzes at the PNP President ATCHADAM Tikpi's kit

While cities are being targeted, PNP National President Pan-African National Party Tikpi Salifou Atchadam is in the sights. The threat is no longer veiled, it is indeed pursued by the known methods of the barbouzes of the regime in place. The round is permanent at home at night and day. If it is the assassination of Tikpi that can allow Mr. Faure to stay in power, he is ready to take responsibility. He released his henchmen, in his entourage, everyone does what he can and networks go each of his methods. The key is to neutralize the PNP leader. We are not used to false alerts. So, without being able to go into detail, we know what we are doing between these lines. Faure Gnassingbé has become a warlord who pursues his people and his political opponents. He is ready for the exactions, provided he removes the danger. Tikpi Salifou Atchadam is obliged to be discreet if he is not in the maquis. History retains that the RPT-UNIR often reserves two spells to the leaders of its opposition: buy their conscience or kill them when everything has failed.

Djobo Boukari, Tavio AMORIN, among others have paid the price for this cowardly politician. Gilchrist Olympio and a whole host of former leaders of the opposition are living witnesses to the purchase of consciences. With Atchadam, everything seems to have failed: cunning, intoxication, purchase of conscience, intimidation, Faure decides to move to the next stage. Afterwards, the treasure of war he has accumulated on the back of the Togolese will serve to silence the discontented diplomatic circles. What is interesting in this film that is played in Togo is that the regime failed to mount one ethnic group against another, the Kabye and the Tem, will not fight, the threat of civil war that Eyadema often waved for s' to impose in indispensable leader, does not work anymore. No ethnic group is disappointed in another with Faure, what advantage does the Kabye, for example, have over the Tem? None, all Togolese carry the same cross. A civil war, what population against which population? Civil war occurs when part of the civilian population rises against another civilian population in the same country. In Togo, what part of the civilian population is ready to die for Mr. Faure Gnassingbé? At most the uncontrolled elements of the army, the militia paid for the task. Since the authorized authorities have condemned the lifting of the militia in the pay of Faure, they are no longer displayed aboard the double-cab cars of the central administrative garage, they are discrete by infiltrating the steps. The Togolese are warned, and during the marches of 7 - 8 and 9 last, 3 militiamen armed with revolvers and five others holding cutting cuts were arrested, the second day, a 4 arrested one who held a revolver threw him into the lagoon before being apprehended, the last day another will be disarmed to Adéwui. All were handed over to the police.

The population is hiding to expose all the stratagems of Faure and his circle. Here, it would be even exaggerated to talk about the Togolese army. It is rather a part of the army that is at war with a part of the civilian population. If there was talk of a national army against two cities, the army would not need a reinforcement of militias to do the job, the numbers being large enough for Sokode and Bafilo. Since everyone agrees on the need to maintain power without agreeing on the methods, thuriferaires copy the uncontrolled elements they reinforce with a horde of militiamen. This is why those who repress in Sokodé are mixed with nationals of English-speaking countries. It is a purge to which diplomatic circles will find a denomination. The Togolese remains standing and the more Faure represses, the more the cities that were thought to be politically dead, go into a trance. Atakpamé, Aného, ​​Dapaong, and I do not know, did not let the last demonstrations take place. The output of Kara will probably be the grand finale. Never has an African president been so unloved, a president who says he is elected more than 50%. Where are the 50% who carried their tracks to Faure Gnassingbé.

It's the mask that falls, the popularity demanded by fraud has lived, all Togolese say "50 years is enough". The heir refuses to believe that his power, once a family heirloom for him, has already fallen into the public domain, he relies on the small circle of officers who will send an army link to repress. It does not change its support for their benefits in this fight against the people. That's why these last moments he goes from garrison to garrison to requinquer his troops. But in reality, our army, which is the pride of all UN missions deserves better than that. To say that this army that feeds the contingents here and there is no longer sufficient to maintain order and that they are militiamen who strengthen the forces of order and security! There is a problem. Crisis of confidence, lack of staff or disagreement on working methods? Which army makes the good student of peace missions in Africa, and which other spreads terror to the country by emptying entire cities of their inhabitants?

The UN must reconsider its position vis-à-vis Togo. The Republic is in danger, we take public opinion and diplomatic circles to witness all that will happen to the security of opposition leaders, starting with the President of the PNP, Brigitte and Jean Pierre.