To each country its men and its history, and since the days follow each other without resembling each other, the pages of the history of our country refuse to be analogous. The land of our forefathers is not only a story, but also men. All the figures that have filled the pages of our experience have all come back into history with his vision of public affairs. If "crazy" existed in the Court of Gnassingbé I, Séyi Memene was one of them.
In the great Court of Lomé II, where Gnassingbe Eyadema kept everyone respectful for 38 years, General Memene was one of the few who could raise his voice when, before the tenant's anger, the whole Court observed a silence of cemetery, he could row to countercurrent, giving contrary advice. Is it for having shared the daily life with the helmsman from a young age, by the favor of the profession of arms? In any case, it was a General who said what he thought and did what he believed just so that the country could be lived at all. In an arena where wolves are eating, his positions, sometimes difficult to reconcile with his responsibilities, have earned him a saw-toothed relationship with Lomé II.
Who is Séyi Memene?
Currently a retired general, he embraced the profession of arms from the age of 18 years in the account of the French colonist in 1958. He made the acquaintance of Etienne Eyadema, under the flag since 1953, in Niger by the favor of " a military assignment. Between an unbeatable athlete, Eyadema and a born footballer, Memene, against a background of citizenship shared around the national colors, it is from you to you that the two men braved the risks under the orders of the metropolis. Eyadema returned to the country two years before his friend Eyadema succeeded the first coup that Africa will register. Once in the country, Memene did not lend his support to the Sergeant at a time when he had the most need if it was remembered that adversity with officers, particularly Koumeya, did not facilitate the learning of power . In 1973, Séyi Memene was admitted as an officer in France from where he returned in 1976. Second lieutenant, he was appointed major of the Togolese army despite French military cooperants. Very early on, he was able to earn his post in the administration of the army and the budget. In October 1982, he managed the customs he would leave for national security three years later.
September 23, 1986
He was still director of the national police when the terrorist attack of September 23, 1986. The winning complicity of valiant officers such as Assi, Lawani Amouda and Sogoyou, the director of national security infiltrates the organizers of the attack that it will eventually master when the time comes. Eyadema returns from afar, the regime is saved in extremis. In an attack in which some officers preferred to hide under the fire, the officers who distinguished themselves will be decorated, on the proposal of one who has masterfully directed this counter-offensive against an attack from neighboring Ghana . While he was still at the police after this exploit, the officer will be put under arrest for, it is said, diverting into a rocamboleque command of weapons of which Memene and Eyadema will die with the secret. He was arrested in December 1989 and will be released in 1991. All appeals from the sovereign national conference to the released officer to testify against the regime will remain unanswered. It takes no more to convince Eyadema of the military qualities of his comrade in arms. To clear the stress of detention, in 1991, Memene devotes himself to the CAF where he believes he enjoys a quiet retreat by rehabilitating his passion, football. But despite his position as Vice President at CAF, he is reminded of duty. Memene goes to CAF where he believes he enjoys a quiet retirement by rehabilitating his passion, football. But despite his position as Vice President at CAF, he is reminded of duty. Memene goes to CAF where he believes he enjoys a quiet retirement by rehabilitating his passion, football. But despite his position as Vice President at CAF, he is reminded of duty.
The Red Brigade makes the rain and the weather
The crimes were perpetrated on behalf of Eyadema and often without his opinion. Removal through here, the laying-out of houses by the steeches farther, everything was good to debase the image, already chipped, of a president who managed, not without difficulty, the violent wind of the East. 1991, Memene is renamed DG of National Security. To accept the delicate post in full insecurity, he laid down conditions for the supposed sponsors of the Red Brigade. He already knew them, the notorious Narcice Djouwa Yoma, among others. Starting with Djouwa, who took his hand in the bag in the assassination and the theft of a Togolese-Ivorian car, Memene neutralized the Red Brigade, which escaped Eyadema and threatened its power because managed by officers of confidence without the advice of the baobab of Lomé II. A thorn less in the foot of his friend. National security is restored, Togo can still reclaim its reputation as Swiss of Africa. The regime was upright in spite of the fronds of an opposition which was enough to give insomnia to Lome II.
Election of 1998
No prognosis sold dearly survival of the regime, Gil christ had the wind in stern. While the least expected, while Lomé II at the seat of the RPT, the thurifera consolated with uncertain figures, Séyi Memene, after the provoked resignation of Awa Nana, saves the boat by inviting itself to the TVT for a real operation of force that will win all the critics of the camp opposite. At the headquarters of the RPT, while he was already proclaiming his results, some still active barons did not hesitate to ask "he found that where? ". Memene confiscates the vote for Eyadema, life resumes.
2005, Eyadema left without warning
A few years in the screen, the senior officer had requested and obtained his retirement. But this did not prevent him from resuming military service to impose Faure Gnassingbe, along with other generals, despite opposition from networks of other officers. After military exchanges under threat, the slinging officers, who did not want Mr. Faure Gnassingbe, would eventually be silenced. Memene is still in the vanguard of those who pass the power of father to son despite the Togolese: "to well-born souls ...". Many Togolese have not finished digesting this end of sentence of the one that Faure still called "Papa". Lifting a shield against this coup de force,
12 years later, catastrophic management has given birth to a phenomenon, Tikpi Atchadam
Nobody has seen coming since the gentleman of the PNP is not a colossus, neither physically nor financially less still in his political charts. Cleared since the reversal of the PDR, it took a lifetime to observe and identify the defects of power in place, it strikes at the appropriate time. Even the redoubtable laboratory of the fiftieth anniversary regime has not predicted anything like it. Today, the one who seems to have been born for the rescue operations of the regime in place is at the center of all charges against the irreversible rise of the PNP. Atchadam is the direct cousin of Memene, they have the same uncle, it is the crime of Memene. At the RPT-UNIR, it can not be forgiven. The opportunity is offered to rid him of all charges. It was Memene who created the PNP in the shadows, it is a long-standing plan since it was the same general who had recruited Atchadam as secretary general of the prefecture of Tchaoudjo where he made his first steps in politics. It is Memene who has chosen the red color for the horse party, he is the one who manages the party from afar, it is he who chose Colonel Ouro-Bang'na and Folibazi as financial arms of the party. The RPT-UNIR Risk Operations Professional is riddled with scandal. The General is no longer at the center of a simple calumny of a Colonel Agadazi who can not stand his unequivocal positions alongside the Tem community, he is at the center of all the spotlights, even at the highest peak. Everyone assumes, rightly or wrongly, that it is he who has the solution; he saw coming, but he did nothing to stop.
Yes, ATS is obviously a lost cousin to Memene. A young student, ATCHADAM reveals himself in Memene when he began to publish the documents in the Temporary territory. Eyadema had him brought to Lome II with another companion, whom Eyadema would rid himself of by the favor of a scholarship abroad. Atchadam refuses to leave the country. He ends up being appointed SG of the prefecture of Tchaoudjo under the prefect Eric Kpadé on behalf of the PDR in the framework of the political cohabitation desired by the wind of the EST. Here are the first contacts between the general and the one who will reveal his cousin. Today, the whole RPT-UNIR machine thinks that it is he who has fed his cousin and he can get rid of it when it becomes a threat. Yes, that is what fed the regime, when a member of the family appears opponent, the blood brothers come together to deny him, to vilify him, thereby bringing unflinching support to the regime. This is how the ugly habit was born that, when someone falls into disgrace, he loses all his relations to the RPT and becomes a non-grata personae. Kpatcha Gnassingbe and BODJONA Pascal know something about it. While waiting for the hope of obtaining Memene a declaration that will deny any link of blood or political with ATCHADAM, even if to find a new nationality to him, the general is labeled. "Work of tan of days in an erased day", everything he would have done so that the RPT-UNIR crosses mountains and valleys, is quickly forgotten. Unless he breaks the silence for the benefit of those who are born to lead others, no doubt that soon, a device will be placed around him to list those who visit and visit him. That's right, ATS, Atchadam Tikpi Salifou, is cousin to Memene. If nothing could separate Koffi Yamgnan's tie with his brother Bassar officers when he was politically threatening the regime, no political move can change the blood relationship between Memene and Atchadam. People really have a short memory, the same Memene who is now a cousin of ATS, was also the direct nephew of Zarifou Ayéva at the most difficult moments in political history. Far, his first wife is the sister to Ayeva. But Eyadema being a born-born politician, was able to overcome vicissitudes without asking for the head of his General. When the various opposition figures, ranging from the Gnininvi to the Edem Kodjo, Dahugu Péré, Agboyibor to return to the prehistoric opponent Gil, not to mention the current Fabre, gave insomnia to the RPT, they also had their close relatives in the arcana of the regime. Have they been harassing? Why do people refuse to wonder if Faure was able to print a difference between his father's Togo and his own current Togo? What did the UN-RPT do to occupy the land that is currently making the bed at the PNP until the unsuspected fiefs of the regime? Have they been harassing? Why do people refuse to wonder if Faure was able to print a difference between his father's Togo and his own current Togo? What did the UN-RPT do to occupy the land that is currently making the bed at the PNP until the unsuspected fiefs of the regime? Have they been harassing? Why do people refuse to wonder if Faure was able to print a difference between his father's Togo and his own current Togo? What did the UN-RPT do to occupy the land that is currently making the bed at the PNP until the unsuspected fiefs of the regime?
decidedly
Eyadema is buried with the madmen of his court. He at least was lucky enough to have people who dared to speak to him in a language of truth, a language that blushed his eyes without drowning them. Why does a system, yet of long political experience, refuse to look in the mirror and realize that everything that begins has an end and that 50 years for a Republic in the hands of a family is an affront that any people ends up washing. Those who believe that they hold the land title of the Republic do not yet know that Acham has no miracle. If he had a miracle, it was because he had come to the Togolese for the language they had long expected, he came without any political calculations, without expecting anything from anyone. PhD student in anthropology, he learned to know his people and his environment. It became, at the time, the spokesman of the aspirations of the peoples henceforth welded by an interminable crossing of the desert. If people believe that Memene has a magic stick to stop the PNP, they will wait a long time. Even Atchadam no longer incarnates the PNP, but a Nation that has waited too long for a son who knows how to listen and respond. One does not stop a nation on the march, it is wanting to hide the sun with the hand. Since, in the hollows of the waves, we cling to everything, since the affair of Kpariyo, women and men, well identified around the prince, strive to move the debate on an ethno-communitarian ground. Currently the WATSHAPP audios that relate with ethnic groups who are vilifying are the work of a well-identified band that finances this campaign to oppose the ethnic groups. Fifteen years ago, this communitarian language could have served. Obviously, the ethnic fiber has long saved Eyadema, but it has been cut since Faure made the Kabyè the first target of its mal-governance, its violation of human rights, it is cut off since the Togolese know that in spite of fifty years of the regime, no ethnic group is happier than the other. This fiber has deteriorated since the Togolese people know that national bankruptcy is not the business of an ethnic group but is attributable to a management by delegation of power where each ethnic group has had a role in the tragicomedy . While waiting for the opposition to recover from the beast with the advent of the phenomenon Atchadam, instead of evaluating the damage in order to pose the real debate, one seeks the sacrificial lamb. It looks like Memene is the only general that the regime has made or the only framework that would have accumulated enough experience to get power out of difficult situations. If the firefighter of all time can be sacrificed to the gods of the presidency for life to live the dynasty where is the evil? Is it not to great evils the great sacrifices? Nobody would like to be in the place of this officer at the helm to have, on the evening of his feats of arms, refused to shoot himself at the foot. Good to follow. on the evening of his feats of arms, refused to shoot himself at the foot. Good to follow. on the evening of his feats of arms, refused to shoot himself at the foot. Good to follow.
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